Irish Congregations
in the
Free Presbytery of Glasgow
In the early days of this web-site, a correspondent called to my attention the fact that there were Irish congregations in the Free Presbytery of Glasgow which were not mentioned on my web-site. My reply was a simple one: they are not included on my web-site because they were not specifically identified as Free Church congregations in Ewing’s Annals of the Free Church of Scotland, 1843-1900. This reply covered up the fact that I was entirely ignorant of such congregations. Now that that ignorance has been, to some extent at least, dissipated and for the sake of completeness, here is a short account of them.
Background
Briefly, these congregations were previously under the inspection of the United Original Secession Church. When a portion of that church joined with the Free Church of Scotland in 1852, these congregations (or parts of them at least) passed into the Free Church and came under the care of the Free Presbytery of Glasgow.
The framework of the following account is determined by references to these congregations in the Free Presbytery of Glasgow Minutes 1848-1856 (NRS CH3/146/35) and 1856-1863 (NRS CH3/146/36). These Minutes are held in the Glasgow City Archives and are available through the Mitchell Library there. Other sources will be brought within this basic framework as required.
The first reference to the Irish congregations in the minutes of the Glasgow Presbytery was on 6th October, 1852. A letter received from the Assembly Clerks was considered. It was dated 18th August, 1852, and enclosed the Act formalising the union between the Free Church of Scotland and the United Original Secession Synod, dated 1st June, 1852. It stated:
1. The Rev. William Matthew, Ballylintagh, County Derry,
2. The Rev. Andrew Thomson, Garvagh, County Derry,
3. The Rev. John Miller, Toberdoney, Moss-side.
I make this communication to your Presbytery because these brethren were formerly in the Presbytery of Glasgow in their own Body.
James Crawford,
Deputy Clerk of Assembly
The ministers themselves also submitted Minutes of their Kirk Sessions intimating the adherence of them and their congregations to the Free Church of Scotland and soliciting admission of them and their congregations into the Free Presbytery of Glasgow. John Miller had been appointed to act for the three of them.
The Presbytery then agreed to receive these ministers and their congregations in accordance with the Act of Assembly. The right hand of fellowship was extended to John Miller on behalf of himself and his brethren. Their names were added to the Roll of Presbytery.
The Ministers and the Congregations
Who, then, are these ministers and congregations thus received into the Free Presbytery of Glasgow?
There are various sources which, when put together, can supply a basic picture. The ministers, having been Free Church ministers, appear in William Ewing’s Annals of the Free Church of Scotland although their lives are not dealt with in any great detail: see William Mathews, John Miller and Andrew Thomson. Their congregations, however, are not described in Ewing; but, having been original seceders, they are given a mention in David Scott’s, Annals and Statistics of the Original Secession Church till its Disruption and Union with the Free Church of Scotland in 1852. Both of these sources are available online, the former on this web-site. Brief accounts of the origin of these congregations are given in The Seceders in Ireland by David Stewart, Belfast, Presbyterian Historical Society, 1950. The section on “Minor Scottish Synods” and “The Associate Presbytery”, pp.381-397, are particularly relevant.
The implementation of a classification system in connection with the regium bonum seems to have been a weighty factor in the early history of the congregations we are concerned with. Presbyterian clergy in Ireland benefitted significantly from this annual royal contribution to their stipends ever since the time of William and Mary. But after an abortive Irish rebellion in 1798, instigated by The Society of United Irishmen, in which some of the more radical Presbyterians took part, the system of the regium bonum was altered. Lord Castlereagh, who was Chief Secretary for Ireland pushed through the Acts of Union which united Ireland with Great Britain. He also pushed for a classification system whereby congregations were classified by their size and geographic or economic importance. First class ministers, received £100; second class £75 and third class £50.
Some Presbyterians refused to operate under this new classification system. It is said that they did so because this undermined Presbyterian parity and no doubt it did, but there were other reasons as well. Correspondence from Lord Castlereagh on this subject has been preserved. A letter from him to Henry Addington, Prime Minister, dated 21st July, 1802, has been summarised thus: “This extensive and revealing letter from the Chief Secretary, Lord Castlereagh, to the Prime Minister Henry Addington offers a detailed account of how the Irish government might harness financial patronage to reshape its relationship with the Synod of Ulster after the Union. Castlereagh insists that any increase in the Regium Donum should be tied to stricter regulation. He argues that the Synod has been deeply influenced by democratic politics, and that a policy of direct, individualised state grants (dependent on loyalty) would diminish the power of its more radical members. By controlling access to government funds and separating the financial administration from the Synod’s authority, Castlereagh hopes to foster a more loyal, state-aligned Presbyterian elite” (VRTI CSP 1/10/1802-7-21).
Any Presbyterian who rejected patronage in Scotland – as the Seceders did – would surely reject any system of government grants to Irish clergy which had as its aim to exert pressure on churches to align themselves with state policy.
Ballylintagh
David Stewart tells us that the Ballylintagh Church came into existence as a break away from the Crossgar congregation – a break away resulting from the acceptance of the classification system connected with the regium bonum. They shared a minister – William Stewart – with Garvagh from the date of his ordination: 9th October, 1817. (Note that this differs from David Scott who gave 1820 as the starting date of this ministry: p.262). William Stewart died on 11th April, 1845, but must have ceased ministry there some time before his death because on 28th April, 1841, the congregation petitioned the United Original Secession (U.O.S.) Synod for supply of sermon. In November that year they agreed to join the U.O.S. Synod and petitioned the Presbytery of Ayr to constitute the ruling elders among them as a Kirk Session under the inspection of the Ayr Presbytery.
The congregation, being duly constituted, they then proceeded to call their first minister under their new denominational banner. On 9th June, 1843, John Downes, minister of the Boardmills congregation, presided at a meeting for the moderation of a call and William Mathews of Dunning, Perthshire, was chosen.
William Mathews was born in Ireland. According to the 1841 census of Dunning, he was then single and aged about 25, hence born about 1816. He studied in the Secession Hall under Professor George Paxton and Thomas McCrie. As McCrie took over from Paxton oin 1836, we have a good idea of the years when he studied. He was licensed on 3rd January, 1839, and he was ordained in Dunning on 20th May 1841. On that occasion, James A. Wylie, of Dollar, preached from Zechariah: 4:6: “This is the word of the LORD unto Zerubbabel, saying, ‘Not by might, nor by power, but by my spirit’, saith the LORD of hosts.” Thomas Manson, Perth, put to him the questions of the Formula, and offered the ordination prayer. James Beattie, Balmullo, addressed the new pastor and the congregation. Finally, Alexander Brown, Coupar Angus, concluded this marathon occasion with a sermon from Revelation 2:1: “To the angel of the church in Ephesus write: ‘The words of him who holds the seven stars in his right hand, who walks among the seven golden lampstands’.”
William Mathews was translated to Ballylintagh on 17th August, 1843.
Toberdoney
Stewart (p.393) tells of the turmoil created by the implementation of the classification principle in the distribution of the regium bonum. “Those who disapproved of their indigent ministers complying with the conditions prescribed, and receiving the regium donum, made imprudent and indiscreet protests, in a vehement and indignant tone, and broke their connection with their congregations. Despite this opposition all the ministers complied with the Government requirements except the Rev. James Bryce.” He was “a prominent character, an autocrat, who stood aloof from all his brethren” and was suspended by his Anti-burgher Synod for following “schismatical courses”. But he gathered around him others of like mind; established seven worshipping societies and formed them into a so-called “Associate Presbytery”. The Toberdoney congregation, formed in 1808, was originally one of these societies.
Bryce wrote of it in a treatise describing his work, quoted in Stewart: “This congregation (in regard to numbers next to Killaig), consisting of sixty families, or upwards, has built a new church, slated it, and erected a neat pulpit which, in a country situation, may even be called elegant. As far as I have had an opportunity of knowing them, they are, in general, religiously inclined, and a considerable number of them even intelligent.”
These congregations of the Associate Presbytery were largely left to their own resources, Bryce only being able to give them an occasional service, and it is perhaps little wonder that Toberdoney, being one of the stronger congregations and having a good building of their own, should look elsewhere for regular supply. In 1821, the congregation left the “Associate Presbytery”, applied for pulpit supply to the Synod of Protesters in Scotland, and joined that body.
A John Barnett, Preacher, was sent to minister to them in August, 1821. Later in September, 1826, they called Ebenezcr Ritchie, who was then a probationer, but he was appointed to Kirkwall by the Synod.
So their first minister was John Miller. He was from Glasgow. As for his studies, David Scott says: “Owing to death of Professor Bruce, [he] received part of his theological training in Edinburgh, to which the Divinity Hall had been removed in September 1817, and partly at Haddington, to whose minister he was sent to learn how to ‘command’ his discourses.”
This would suggest that he began his studies after Professor Archibald Bruce, Whitburn, died in 1816. He therefore studied under George Paxton, Edinburgh, Infirmary Street, who was appointed to replace him. The minister in Haddington at the time was Robert Chalmers. There is no mention of him being appointed as a professor and we can only suppose that Miller was sent to Haddington to learn how the minister there preached. Certainly, Chalmers was acknowledged to be a gifted preacher: “Of his gifts as a preacher Dr Wylie has stated that the grace and solemnity of his delivery and the weight of his matter made his discourses always impressive, and that his method in the pulpit was eminently clear and logical.”
John Miller was licensed on 24th March, 1819; called to Toberdoney, in October 1827, and ordained there on 3rd July, 1828. On the occasion, George Stevenson, Ayr, prcachcd from John 20: 20: “And when he had so said, he shewed unto them his hands and his side. Then were the disciples glad, when they saw the Lord”. Robert Shaw, Whitburn, addressed the new pastor and the people. The service was concluded by Peter McDerment, Auchinleck, delivering a sermon from Matthew 28: 19: “Go ye therefore, and teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost”.
Garvagh
Garvagh congregation came into existence as a consequence of the Burgher Synod accepting the classification system connected with the distribution of the regium bonum. The objectors erected a meeting-house, joined with a similarly-minded group in Crossgates, and petitioned the Presbytery of Glasgow of the Original Secession Synod for supply of sermon.
In 1813, along with Ballylintagh, they requested that Synod for moderation. They offered £80 stipend and their request for moderation was accepted on condition that the stipend be paid in British currency and that suitable accommodation be made available for the minister. More than 250 people signed a call to James Smith, minister in Alloa, Clackmannanshire, but nothing came of this. A further call, signed by 180 members and 59 adherents, to a probationer Thomas Hislop appeared to have been successful, but the man changed his mind at the last moment and became minister in Kirkcaldy, Fife, in 1816. Finally, William Stewart was successfully called by 207 members and 10 adherents. He was duly settled over them, the ordination being conducted in East Campbell Street Church in Glasgow. He remained minister there till about 1833, and in 1835, Andrew Thomson was inducted to the Garvagh congregation.
Andrew Thomson studied at the Divinity Hall of the Burgher Synod. As he was licensed by the Presbytery of Edinburgh on 18th December, 1822, he probably studied mainly under George Hill. He was called to Stirling and Paisley, and was ordained at Paisley, Renfrewshire, on 18th November, 1824. In November, 1833, unfavourable reports regarding Thomson were circulated, the matter came before the Presbytery, and after repeated and protracted meetings, Mr Thomson was loosed from his charge on 16th June, 1834. The following year, he was inducted to Garvagh.
In 1839 most of the ministers of the Original Secession (Burgher) Synod returned to the Church of Scotland (though most of them left again at the Disruption) and the Synod was dissolved. The congregation of Garvagh and their minister, Andrew Thomson, were therefore cut off from their previous source of support and remained in relative isolation until they joined the United Original Secession Synod on 2nd October, 1844.
These were the congregations and the ministers who came under the Glasgow Presbytery of the Free Church in 1852. How, then, did they fare?
Peculiar Circumstances: Buildings and Stipends
Initially, the Presbytery took measures to help the three ministers and their congregations to settle down well in their new ecclesiastical environment: “Further, as the circumstances are peculiar, the Presbytery appoint … a committee to consider any points of arrangement and detail which may be further necessary in this business.” They appointed Dr Robert Buchanan, Dr John G. Lorimer and Mr (later Dr and Professor) James Gibson as the committee. This was a useful procedure for the congregations constantly needed help from the Scottish Church.
Though Dr Buchanan was the Convener of the Committee, it was Mr Gibson who brought the difficulties of these Irish brethren to the attention of the Presbytery. The story that he tells is a sad one: John Miller of Toberdoney “has been thrown into serious difficulty by the state of things arising out of his union with the Free Church”. What the serious difficulty was is not specified in the Presbytery Minutes but it is not difficult to imagine Miller’s position given the fact that his congregation were not completely behind him in his move to the Free Church and a minority Toberdoney Original Secession congregation still functioned there. Miller therefore clearly was exposed to loss of stipend, and his congregation incurred legal expenses, as the minority claimed the church building.
The legal case was finally decided against Miller and his congregation. The Court of Chancery, Dublin, decided that the majority of the Original Secession Synod departed from their public principles when they entered the Free Church; and that, consequently, the minority of a congregation were entitled to retain property thirled to Original Secession principles, although its majority entered the Free Church. (Full details of this case, from the U.O.S. perspective, are found in the Original Secession Magazine, Vol.2, p.323; p.337; and p.624; and in Vol.3, p.145.)
In response to Miller’s difficult situation, the Presbytery directed that a statement of his case be drawn up and they “cordially recommend him to the liberality of the friends of the Free Church”.
William Mathews has a similar problem: he has “suffered hardships and is still threatened with them”. The difficulty here again is that there was a division in the congregation and only a minority supported Mr Mathews in his move into the Free Church. Obviously a drastic reduction in stipend might be expected and again there was difficulty over the building which was claimed by the majority whose congregation was now called Dromore.
Again the story of the building is more clearly presented in Dromore’s representation to their U.O.S. Presbytery of Ayr. In August, 1854, it was reported that the U.O.S. congregation were in danger of being deprived of their mission house. The Clerk was instructed to seek more information and if necessary to write to the Secretary of the Ironmongers Company in London (the landowners), “representing the injustice of such a measure”.
The Presbytery of Ayr heard at their meeting on 12th December, 1854, that “this Congregation has again obtained the use of the meeting-house at Ballylintagh, of which it had for some time been deprived, for the purpose of public worship, though it is to be regretted that the grant is burdened by certain restrictions, which it is earnestly hoped will be speedily removed.”
But in January, 1855, it was reported that they had been deprived of their building and the Clerk was instructed to “memorialise” the Ironmongers’ Company. This resulted in a law case.
The final mention of this in the U.O.S. records is in 1855. “After some conversation regarding the difficulties with which the congregation of Ballylintagh have had to contend about their meeting-house, it was agreed that a memorial should be drawn up and presented to the Worshipful Company of Ironmongers, London, in reference to the subject, and that the memorial be presented by a deputation from the Synod, if practicable.” The Worshipful Company owned the land and had given the key to the Union party, which was the minority. But whatever representations the congregations made to the owners, the outcome of the matter was that they had to build a new meeting place for themselves.
In other words, Mathews and his congregation retained their building, but only after a legal battle.
But this was only part of the hardships that Mathews faced. It is quite clear that there was a dispute between Mathews and his former congregation regarding money. The U.O.S. Presbytery of Ayr, when asked to conduct a moderation, did not only ask of the congregation the questions usually required in that situation; they also asked if they had any outstanding financial obligations to Mathews. Indeed, they are insistent that that matter must be settled if they are going to get a new minister. In fact, the Ayr U.O.S. Presbytery seemed to be genuinely sympathetic to Mathews’ position and seek his well-being even though he has now left them for another denomination.
In the light of this distressing situation, a deputation, consisting of Mr Gibson, Dr McGilivray and Mr Alexander N. Somerville, was appointed to visit the Irish congregations. One particular point was specified: “to see if any arrangements can be made whereby Mr Mathews may be secured in the possession of his church”.
Mr Gibson reported back to the Presbytery on 4th May, 1853. The details of what he said are not recorded in the Minutes but the Presytery heard the statement with much satisfaction.
Nonetheless the financial problems still continued and the Irish brethren, on 29th March, 1854, requested the Presbytery to recommend to the General Assembly that “in consideration of the difficulties and hardships to which they have been exposed by their Union with the Free Church, to take some steps by which their case may be considered alongside that of their brethren in Scotland who joined the Free Church along with them, with a view to their receiving some aid for their temporal support”. The Presbytery duly forwarded this request to their General Assembly.
The response of the Assembly as recorded at the meeting of the Free Presbytery of Glasgow on 7th June, 1854, was that the same principle applying to the Scottish Original Secession congregations should be applied to the Irish ones and it was “left to the Sustentation Committee to fix a sum at which their congregations should be rated.”
It is also clear that there was weakness in another direction in the Irish churches: on 4th October, 1854, Rev. William Mathews and Mr Curry, elder, were appointed assessors to the Toberdoney Session. That means there was a lack of suitable men to be elders in Toberdoney. It may also mean that Ballylintagh was weak in that respect as well: why appoint the minister as an assessor, if there were other elders available to do the task?
In 1844, an Irish Marriage Law was introduced which laid out who could solemnize marriages for whom, and Presbyterians were specifically mentioned: “That Marriages between Parties, both of whom are Presbyterians, may be solemnized according to the Forms used by Presbyterians, either by the Licence of a Presbyterian Minister, or by Publication of Banns, as herein-after respectively mentioned, in Meeting Houses to be certified as herein-after mentioned, between the Hours of Eight in the Morning and Two in the Afternoon, with open Doors, and in the Presence of Two or more credible Witnesses; and Marriages between Parties, of whom one only is a Presbyterian, may be solemnized according to the same Forms, by such Licence of a Presbyterian Minister, in such Meeting Houses, between the same Hours, with open Doors, and in the Presence of Two or more credible Witnesses; provided that in either Case there be no lawful Impediment to the Marriage of such Parties (Marriages (Ireland) Act 1844). In accordance with that Act, on 11th June, 1856, the Presbytery, on the request of the Irish brethren, appointed Andrew Thomson as a licenser that he might solemnise marriages according to Irish law.
The financial situation, however, remained difficult. On 7th January, 1857, Miller reported on the hardships they were still facing: because of the decision of the Irish Court of Chancery they had been deprived of their church and they were now worshipping in a barn. A free site for a new church had been offered them by a liberal proprietor but they were unable to erect that church themselves without the aid of others. He asked the Presbytery to favour them with a collection for that purpose. The Presbytery agreed to recommend a collection within their bounds on the afternoon of the 2nd Sabbath of May. Mr Miller was requested to draw up a statement of his case to be read on the forenoon of that day.
However, opposition to this plan arose. Glasgow Presbytery received a letter, dealt with on 11th March, 1857, from the Irish Presbytery of Coleraine and Route asking Glasgow Presbytery not to help in Miller’s building scheme: “there was no need for the erection of an additional building in that locality”. Glasgow Presbytery did not like that these views were approved of by “some of the most influential and experienced ministers of the Irish Church.” They were, however, not disposed to change their mind – which is hardly surprising because the Free Church had a habit of erecting buildings in close proximity to parish churches and had no sympathy with the view that there was no need for the erection of an additional building in any given locality.
Fund-raising for a new building must have been successful for, within a year, in March 1858, Miller reported that the new church was nearly ready and was to be known as Benvarden.
On 3rd August, 1858, Gibson, now Professor Gibson, reported that the Irish brethren were being refused the benefit of the Harvey Bequest, because the Trustees did not see them as falling within the scope of the Fund as they were living in Ireland. The Clerk was instructed to inform the Trustees that Miller, Thomson and Mathews were members of the Glasgow Presbytery and entitled to all the rights and privileges of the Free Church.
The End Game
On 7th May, 1862, Gibson reported the death of Miller of Carsecoggy. He “spoke highly of his Christian character, his adherence to principle in very trying circumstances and of the fidelity with which he had long discharged his ministerial duties. He also adverted to the circumstances as having been especially encouraging to Mr Miller, that his congregation had shared in the Revival with which Ireland of late had been so largely blessed.” William Mathews of Ballylintagh was appointed as Interim Moderator, and a committee of Presbytery was appointed “to communicate with Mr Mathews in reference to the circumstances of the Congregation and to do what they can to further its interests”.
The death of their minister brought matters to a head in regard to the future of the congregation – indeed of the other congregations as well. On 3rd December, 1862, the Presbytery heard a report on Benvarden. The convener of the committee was Jacob Scott Alexander, minister of Stockwell Free Church, Glasgow, but himself an Irishman. His father was a minister of the Reformed Presbyterian Church and he himself had been an R.P. minister in Ireland before joining the Free Church of Scotland. Certainly he could not be accused of showing favouritism to his Irish brethren in his report: “The Presbytery is quite aware that the connection established between it and the Congregation in question has been unavoidably of a merely nominal kind, and the question now to be decided is, as to the expediency and propriety of perpetuating an anomalous and unsatisfactory state of things.
“The Committee are of opinion, that the decease of the late Minister presents an opportunity of which the Presbytery ought to avail itself for bringing that state of things to an end.
“The congregation is small, numbering but 70 communicants, and embracing in all but 60 families. The sum they paid as stipend to their late Minister, was £25, and the whole amount they undertake to raise for the future, for the support of a minister among them is £30. … As matters now stand the Congregation affords neither an adequate field for the labours of a Christian minister, nor the means of maintaining one, if he were settled among them.” Then Alexander described the Irish Presbyterian Church as “a body at one with the Free Church in Doctrine, Worship, Discipline and Government”. That Church, therefore, would seem to be “the natural and appropriate agency for supplying the wants of such a congregation”.
The committee then asked the Presbytery to bring this under the notice of the General Assembly for advice and to ask the Assembly “to relieve the Presbytery from a position, the obligations involved in which, it cannot possibly discharge.” This report was sent to the congregation of Benvarden so that they may “make such representations to the Presbytery or to the General Assembly thereanent as they may consider to be suitable or necessary.”
On 7th January, 1863, it was reported that Benvarden, “at a late general meeting had unanimously agreed to apply to be received in connection with the Irish General Assembly.”
Things, however, did not go smoothly. On 4th February, 1863, the Benvarden congregation reported that they foresaw difficulties in a transition period while they adjusted to a new situation. They sought pecuniary assistance for a minister whom they hoped would be appointed during the period of transition. But the Presbytery expressed their regret that they had no funds available for such a purpose. They called the attention of the congregation “to the fact that the pecuniary assistance received by their late minister during the period of their connection with the Free Church was expressly limited by the Act of Assembly to the incumbency of that minister after which, in common with the other body of Seceders then incorporated within the Free Church, the Benvarden congregation was to be left to its own resources and to be dealt with exactly as any similar congregation would have been dealt with in Scotland, that is, as having no claim on the funds of the Church”. They felt sure that in the Irish Presbyterian Church the congregation “will enjoy advantages which it could not possibly receive from the Free Church of Scotland with which its connection could not be more than nominal.”
With Benvarden’s connection with the Free Church severed, the other congregations soon followed suit. On 1st April 1863, William Mathews of Ballylintagh intimated his intention to apply to the Irish Presbyterian Assembly “on condition that the allowance he at present receives from this Church be continued for four years, from the time of his being admitted to that Assembly”. This matter was referred to a Committee of Presbytery dealing with the Benvarden situation.
On 6th May, 1863, the Presbytery agreed to recommend to the Assembly that “the congregation of Benvarden be disjoined from this Presbytery with a view to its connection with the Presbyterian Church of Ireland; and, seeing that Mr Matthews of Ballylintagh and Mr Thomson of Garvagh had expressed their intention to apply for admission to the Irish Assembly, provided that the allowance which they at present receive from this Church will continue until they are in circumstances to receive aid through that Assembly.” The Presbytery recommended to the Assembly to sanction the disjunction of these brethren from this Court, “it being understood that their connection with this Church, continue until their admission into the Irish Assembly; and further that Mr Mathews’ allowance continue for 4 years from the time of his entering said Assembly; and considering the advanced age of Thomson, being upward of 70 years, that his allowance, at the average of the last three years, should be continued for life.”
On 5th August the Presbytery recorded the decision of the General Assembly made at Edinburgh on 25th May, 1863, regarding the Irish congregations: “The General Assembly unanimously agree to the application and in accordance therewith hereby disjoin the congregation of Benvarden in Ireland from the Presbytery of Glasgow in order to its connection with the Presbyterian Church of Ireland.” The recommendations regarding the other ministers, their allowances and their congregations were also accepted.
And with that, the brief story of the Irish Free Church congregations comes to an end.
As agreed the three congregations passed into the Irish Presbyterian Church, but in the case of Garvagh not altogether. A minority objected to movement in that direction and looked rather to the Reformed Presbyterian Church for their ecclesiastical connection. Indeed there was a Garvagh Reformed Presbyterian congregation which had a minister – Joseph Hamilton – from 1867.
During the 1860s and beyond, Matthews officiated in the Macosquin Presbyterian Church. He died in 1883. He was married to Margaret Ann, who predeceased him.
Andrew Thomson died on 27th June, 1871.
In 1905 the Ballylintagh church was sold to Aghadowey Creamery.
A Closing Reflection
It might be of interest to reflect on the story of these Irish congregations within the Free Church by contrasting their experience with that of their counterparts who maintained their contact with the United Original Secession Church. The story of these congregations is told on this web-site: Dromore and Toberdoney.
The Free Church shed the burden of these congregations on the first opportunity – on the death of the first minister, that is, after about 11 years; the United Original Secession congregations continued until the demise of the denomination in 1956, Dromore having a separate minister of their own till 1929, and then sharing a minister with Toberdoney till the end.
The Irish Free Church congregations were on the periphery of the Presbytery, geographically and in other ways as well; although geographically out on a limb, there is no sign that the U.O.S. congregations were anything but an integral part of the Presbytery of Ayr.
There were about 36 congregations in the Free Presbytery of Glasgow in 1852, when the Irish congregations joined, many of them large and prosperous congregations. The Glasgow area was a growth point in the church, with the Presbytery doubling in size within a generation. Ten new ministries were added from 1853 to 1859; 17 more in the 60s and a further 22 in the 70s. Moreover, some of the congregations were very large: in 1848 Anderston had a membership of 700; Hutchesontown 600; John Knox 500; Milton 287; Renfield 713; St Andrew’s 410, and so on. The three Irish congregations were thus out-numbered and out-weighed. You can sense the gap between them when a minister with a congregation of probably around 700 describes Benvarden: “The congregation is small, numbering but 70 communicants, and embracing in all but 60 families.” The Irish congregations were in the same Presbytery but in a different league. The men in the Scottish charges were intent on building large congregations in urban areas; not maintaining struggling congregations in rural ones. They had vision for the one, but not for the other. The Irish congregations were incomers and misfits. It is true that the Presbytery at the beginning showed generosity in helping Benvarden with their building project, but looking back the Presbytery sees the whole arrangement with the Irish churches as “anomalous”; there is from their prospective a “merely nominal” connection.
On the other hand, the U.O.S congregations which maintained their allegiance to their Synod were at home and in their element in the U.O.S. Presbytery of Ayr. They weren’t incomers but previous members, though now in somewhat reduced circumstances. There were about six other congregations in the Ayr Presbytery, to which they belonged, so they were a substantial section of the Presbytery – not a small minority. Although the Scottish congregations were mainly situated in small towns, there was one rural congregation which faced the same problems as Toberdoney and Dromore did. The Presbytery as a whole would not view the situation of the Irish brethren as foreign or outwith their experience. The whole denomination – not just the Irish section of the Church – was struggling to come to terms with the disruption of its life by the sudden departure of more than half its ministers. Thus the Ayr Presbytery never thought in terms of seeking relief “from a position, the obligations involved in which, it cannot possibly discharge”. Rather, with resources very limited in extent compared with those of the Free Presbytery of Glasgow, they discharged these obligations to the best of their ability.
The Scottish U.O.S. Church contributed ministers to the Irish congregations: Andrew Anderson, Alexander Ritchie and James Patrick, the older, to Dromore; and Ebenezer Ritchie, David Matthew and others to Toberdoney. But Ireland also contributed ministers to the Scottish Church: Robert F. Stuart (Aberdeen and Stranraer); John Barr (Coupar Angus); John Blakely (Kirkintilloch); John Gage Boyd (Midlem); Benjamin Brown (Colmonell); William Cochran Conn (Kirriemuir); William Russell Kennedy (Mains Street, Glasgow); Andrew Thomson McClenaghan (Kilmarnock and Kirriemuir); James Robert Moffett (Kilwinning and Paisley); Joseph Robertson Mooney, from the Dromore congregation (Shottsburn); James Patrick, the younger, (Mains Street, Glasgow); and Edward White (Kirriemuir). Not all these men were necessarily from the Irish Secession tradition, nonetheless the presence of such a substantial body of Irish men in the Scottish U.O.S. surely produced a sense of unity. The flow of help was not all from Scotland to Ireland; there was two-way traffic. That was not the way the Scots saw the Irish congregations in the Free Church. In the U.O.S. Church the connection of the Irish congregations with the Scottish was not just a nominal one; it was a genuine partnership.
If the Glasgow Presbytery saw – or at least – came to see this relationship as nominal, we might well think that the brethren concerned saw it in a similar light. The ease with which the majority transferred their allegiance to the Irish Presbyterian Church suggests that they did not find their relationship with the Free Church as helpful as they had hoped. Thus this chapter in the history of the Irish congregations in the Free Presbytery of Glasgow was short and not particularly happy, and the full stop was put to it by mutual agreement that no purpose was to be served in continuing it.